Wednesday, March 27, 2013

Resolution on 'Protection of the Family' withdrawn...for now

The resolution on ‘Protection of the Family’ was NOT adopted at the Human Rights Council on Monday. It was withdrawn by the sponsors. The sponsors framed their withdrawal as postponing consideration to a later stage.

It is telling that the fear of introduction of language on the existence of “various forms of the family” into the text during action on the resolution caused this withdrawal/postponment. The language that would have formed the introduced amendment is agreed consensus UN language which has been used again and again. The EU and GRULAC groups and a number of States including Switzerland, the US, Australia and New Zealand stood firm in insisting that this language be included in the text. A number of other States from different regions stood ready to support the introduction previously mentioned.

Egypt took the floor to introduce the resolution and announce its withdrawal on behalf of the core group, comprising of Bangladesh, Egypt, Jordan, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Qatar, Russian Federation, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia, UAE, Uganda and Zimbabwe. The resolution had 72 co-sponsors including the Arab and OIC groups, Angola, Kenya, Botswana, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Sri Lanka and many others.

They began by framing the subject in terms of Art 16 of the UDHR and said that there is a lack of definition of the family, that there are differences between societies. That the focus on individual rights has resulted in neglect of the family and group and collective rights. That there is no resolution or treaty which deals with the protection of the family in human rights law in comprehensive manner. His statement failed to define what the family needed protection from.

They spoke of the need to openly discuss the issue so as to address state obligations to protect the family under relevant provisions of international human rights law.  A discussion that would allow for the exchange of views and lessons learned and allow the Council to identify implementation gaps and possibly shed some light on how to tackle them. Hence this procedural resolution.

Their statement was very hard-lined and combative. They claimed to have approached consultations with an open mind and accused other States of holding pre-conceived notions and pushing divisive substantive issues. They also said that it seems that the Council has not yet reached the level of maturity that would enable it to engage in delicate issues in a cooperative matter, and announced that they were postponing consideration of the text. Despite what you might hear to the contrary, the Egyptian representative did not stamp his feet, burst into tears or storm out.

While we should see this withdrawal/postponement as a victory, it may be one we should celebrate quickly, as it is likely to be short lived. It is not unlikely that they will seek to reintroduce the resolution in June, in what is already being viewed as a highly contentious session with resolutions expected on sexual orientation and gender identity, and violence against women, to name but two.

= Source: CSW57 Women's Rights Caucus = 

Friday, March 22, 2013

Ending Violence Against Women - Now the Real Work Starts



Last Friday, governments at the UN adopted an outcome document at the conclusion of the 2 weeks session of the UN Commission on the Status of Women (CSW 57). Following last year's collapse of the meeting and the huge pressure from conservative forces who tried to derail the process, the adoption of an outcome text condemning violence against women in strong terms is celebrated as a success. 

But is it?
The concerted attempt at rolling back women's rights, by bringing national level strife on the position of women and abortion, religion, culture and custom into the global arena, is not a new development.
The pressure on the CSW meetings and its role in upholding basic rights for women has gradually increased each year since 2009. And this trend has long spilled over to other UN forums such as the Human Rights Council, Rio+20 and the development of new sustainable development goals or the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) negotiations. But finally, this year many leading governments and civil society came together to make a concerted push back at the attempts to discredit the CSW.

At the same time, an even greater challenge to the elimination of violence against women than these reactive forces taking the CSW hostage is the huge gap between text and implementation - between rhetoric and concrete action on the ground.

I would argue this is the gender equality challenge of the 21st century. At CSW many women's rights activist made the case that violence is increasing- a fact supported by daily news reports of maiming, raping, shooting, killing women and an Oxfam country level survey from 2010. In a 2005 multi-country study by the World Health Organization (WHO) up to 70% of women between 15 and 49 years of age said they had experienced some form of violence throughout their life.

Of the 3,5 billion women worldwide, up to 2,5 billion will have experienced violence at some point in their life (Credit: Oxfam)
These are known facts about the elimination of violence against women. Yet at this CSW meeting, governments again did nothing about the lack of implementation. So while its good news we have a text coming out of CSW, a fact hailed as "historic", we must not fool ourselves thinking that an adopted text is going to make gender equality happen on the ground. It doesn't serve women to discredit the achievements of the international community at CSW. Nevertheless, we must do more to eliminate violence. We really must.

The power plays at the UN has left no time for governments and all of us to answer this question: HOW can we ensure all the positive rules and policies aimed at eliminating VAW are being put into practice at country level? By when will governments, for example, repeal laws that discriminate against women? By when will each country allocate resources in their national budget or poverty reduction strategy to eliminate VAW? How fast and by when will governments set up hotlines for victims and survivors of VAW or end user fees for health services? When will teachers in class have before them text books through which they can teach children about human rights and issues around sexuality?

Oxfam wants a plan that details concrete steps towards making any of these policy recommendations coming out of CSW 57 reality. We need a plan to see where we are going, what our priorities are from the 50+ actions that governments have promised at CSW. Oxfam has therefore been calling on governments to use CSW 57 as an opportunity to commit to the development of an international action plan which sets concrete targets, timetables and other measures to fast track implementation of existing norms to end violence and provide an accountability tool.

I am a big fan of laws and policies and I am glad the good guys could not be defeated at CSW. But when it comes to ending violence against women, I get very impatient that we are asked to be satisfied with another UN outcome text. As civil society and international community it is our job to want more, and to recognize that we need more than text to realize women's rights and end VAW.
We all say, violence is the biggest human rights atrocity of the 21st century. If this is so, then we need to do all we can to make sure we put an end to it... not only on paper.

Find out more about Oxfam's work on Gender Issues

Sunday, March 17, 2013

Final draft agreed conclusions

Click here for the final version of the agreed conclusions.
It still includes the references to those paragraphs that were previously agreed, and the ones that were redrafted by the chair and then agreed to in the final round of statements.

= Joni van de Sand =

Saturday, March 16, 2013

Women’s Rights Activists Welcome UN Agreements on Ending Violence Against Women


Press release by the CSW57 Women's Rights Caucus, in which WO=MEN has actively taken part.

On Friday March 15 2013, the UN Member States resoundingly committed to ending violence against women and girls, including strong agreements on promoting gender equality, women’s empowerment, and ensuring reproductive rights and access to sexual and reproductive health services.

The Agreed Conclusions of the 57th Session of the Commission on the Status of Women represent another important step forward, building on the global momentum of the past twenty years, which has created a strong framework by which to end all forms of violence against women, young women, and girls.

Women’s health and rights organizations congratulated the governments who have defended the human right of women and girls to live free from all forms of violence. We have seen two weeks of intense negotiations, in which culture, tradition, and religion have been used to try to deny women their rights.

In this context an important outcome of the Agreed Conclusions is the recognition accorded to women human rights defenders, who often come under attack when they defend universal human rights, including sexual and reproductive health and rights.

The Agreed Conclusions explicitly call for accessible and affordable health care services, including sexual and reproductive health services such as emergency contraception and safe abortion, for victims of violence. For the first time the CSW Agreed Conclusions have urged governments to procure and supply female condoms. The CSW reaffirmed previous commitments made in the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and in the Programme of Action at the International Conference on Population and Development and the key actions for its further implementation.

Governments have also recommitted to important strategies such as comprehensive sexuality education, the need to end harmful practices perpetuated in the context of negative culture and traditions, and the need to focus services based on the diverse experiences of women and girls, including indigenous women, older women, migrant women workers, women with disabilities, women living with HIV, and women who are held in state custody. The links between HIV and violence against women was noted throughout the Agreed Conclusions. The Agreed Conclusions condemned and called for action to prevent violence against women in health care settings, including forced sterilisation.

Violence against girls is also a major theme throughout the document. The Commission calls for an end to child, early and forced marriage, which is an increasing problem in many countries. Worldwide, 67 million girls are forced into marriage before the age of 18. Countries also committed to improving safety of girls on their way to and from school, at school, and in playgrounds; ensuring educational opportunities for girls who already married and/or pregnant; and preventing, investigating, and punishing acts of violence against women and girls that are perpetrated by people in positions of authority, such as teachers and religious leaders.

The Agreed Conclusions emphasize the role of men and boys in ending violence against women, and call for national policies to counteract gender stereotypes that present women and girls as subordinate to men and boys. The CSW calls on governments to engage, educate, encourage, and support men and boys to take responsibility for their sexual and reproductive behaviour and become strategic partners and allies in the prevention and elimination of all forms of discrimination and violence against women and girls.

The Agreed Conclusions emphasize the need to abolish legislation, policies, and programs that discriminate against women or have a discriminatory impact on women. The CSW also calls for women and girls’ unimpeded access to justice and to effective legal assistance. The Agreed Conclusions also recognize that small arms and light weapons aggravate violence against women and girls.

Importantly, the Agreed Conclusions recognize new issues in the campaign to end violence against women, including the need for strategies to address the role of new media; the impact of climate change on women; the need for measures to encourage businesses to act on workplace violence, but also their responsibility to support workers experiencing violence in the home; and the need for multisectoral responses to end violence against women.

In addition, discussions at this CSW showed high levels of support for governments to address violence against women and girls based on their actual or perceived sexual orientation and gender identity. There was also widespread support for addressing the problem of intimate partner violence. Although Member States at this year’s CSW failed to agree on specific language about these issues, human rights groups are confident that consensus that has been achieved on these matters throughout the UN system and will soon be reflected in Agreed Conclusions of the CSW.

However, civil society groups expressed deep concern over attempts by conservative members to derail negotiations during the CSW. Thankfully, many governments held firm on commitments to women’s rights. A statement signed of concern signed by feminist organizations during CSW is available online at http://cwgl.rutgers.edu/program-areas/gender-based-violence/csw57/statement-on-outcome-document.

The UN Commission on the Status of Women meets annually in New York and in 2013 has focused on the elimination of violence against women. Comprised of 45 Member States the CSW is the principal global policy-making body dedicated exclusively to gender equality and advancement of women with the sole aim of promoting women’s rights in political, economic, civil, social, and educational fields. Its mandate is to ensure the full implementation of existing international agreements on women’s human rights and gender equality.

Friday, March 15, 2013

There are agreed conclusions!

Right before 8 ‘o clock this evening New York time, the CSW57 adopted agreed conclusions!

Around 6 everyone was still awaiting what the next step would be. The delegations were still negotiating text in the room, and the information coming out was often contradictory. Suddenly a 6th draft of the text was distributed. The chair had prepared this text, including all the agreed paragraphs, amendments to those that were kept in and not yet agreed upon, and with some paragraphs removed altogether. 

Dozens of civil society representatives lined up along the windows of the conference room, to show the delegations our support and send out a message: do not let go of progress made for women’s rights!

After about half an hour to read the text, during which everyone quickly scanned through to see what happened to their most crucial issues, the chair decided to ask delegation by delegation whether they could endorse the text or not. We still did not know what would happen. But it was a smart move, as this meant that no-one could hide behind diplomatic moves, but really had to “show color”.

Many delegations then showed their support for the text, with short statements why. Holy See, Libya, Sudan, Iran and Nigeria expressed concerns and some reservations to the text. As it became clear that no countries would completely object, there was relief. The chair opened the negotiations to the plenary, and we could all go in… Just at that very moment it was finalized: there were agreed conclusions! 



I will upload the text as soon as a digital version is available. 
The overall assessment is that gains have been made in some areas, and in others the ambitious was set higher. It will require a deeper reading to provide a good overview...

Some of the reactions from members of the Women Human Rights caucus:

I share your disappointment at the process and outcome, but I think we should also claim what gains we have made, however small...

Great to hear ngo,s being recognized by states. I am sure text and process is not perfect. But progress is a long hard road of small steps and you all are on the right side of history. And the unholy alliance has been outed also in the press. 

= Joni van de Sand = 




It's official closing time - and we know it'll be a long night

At 9 this morning there was an ambassadors meeting where a select group of countries came together to discuss the agreements. Though it is encouraging to see such high-level involvement in the CSW, problem with this procedure was that countries as varied as The Netherlands, South Africa and Iran, and the Holy See  (note the subtle difference of comma's placing in this sentence ;) had to come together to discuss strategy. Unfortunately no real solution came out.

The fifth version of the agreed conclusions was released. It does not really include anything new, just a better overview than the version of the day before. There was a small victory today, when a paragraph to "support and protect those who are committed to eliminating violence against women, including women's human rights defenders" was agreed. We cheered loudly.

However, still none of the contested issues has really been discussed, thus they remain open. And it has been confusing to hear how each time a controversial issue has been on the table, the text was debated and adapted a little, only to then move forward to the next without coming to an agreement.

So it's time to get straight: what is really still on the table?

There is sexual an reproductive health and rights, currently in 4 different paragraphs for different and crucial reasons. There is sexual and reproductive health services (which have been completely skipped so far) and there's the issue of qualifying (limiting) agreements on reproductive rights to the ICPD from 1994, thereby excluding all crucial agreements that have been made since then!

There is sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI). Not having this included in agreements about violence against women, would make us loose out on the opportunity to call serious attention for the horrible crimes committed to lesbian, bisexual and transsexual women, for their sexual orientation or gender identity. Think for example about corrective rape - we are still miles away from ever getting that in the text, but come on, it can not be denied that crimes take place specifically because of people's SOGI.

The inclusion of comprehensive sexuality education has been one of the central additional values of agreements made, for example at the UN General Assembly Third Committee only a couple of months ago. 

Intimate partner violence, which includes but is brader than domestic violence.

So this is what “we” want. And what do “they” want? Well they want all this out. And in adittion, they want to add a paragraph that on “the sovereign right of each country to implement recommendations in the present document, consistent with national laws and development priorities, with full respect for the various religious and ethical values and cultural backgrounds of its people, and conformity with universally recognized international human rights.” Which, as I have stressed several times before, would undermine the universality of women’s rights as human rights – and with that indeed the human rights framework as a whole.  

= Joni van de Sand =  




CSW workshop: Holding your government accountable for stopping Domestic Violence


By Loeky Droesen

During the CSW this year, the member states of the UN are negotiating to reach Agreed Conclusions on what states/governments should do to end Violence Against Women. And today we find out if they are even able to reach agreement. But unfortunately even if promises and commitments are made at the UN, they are often are not translated in action at the national level.

On Thursday the 7th of March between 14.30 and 16.00, about 60 people squeezed into the Drew room (official capacity 35 seats) at the church center to participate in the workshop: “Making our Domestic Violence laws work in practice. A short survey of the participants showed all the continents of the globe were represented, with the exception of the Pacific, and more than half the participants worked in practice providing services to victims/survivors of Domestic Violence[i]. Most of the participants also did lobby and advocacy at the national level and a slightly lower number at the international level.

In many of our countries, often as a result of a strong lobby by women’s rights groups, governments have adopted Domestic Violence legislation and often also developed action plans. But as many participants in the workshop confirmed, the implementation of these laws and policies is weak in practice. It is very frustrating to see that despite a legal framework, in practice Domestic Violence continues and women continue to suffer. But as civil society we cannot get disheartened and have to explore new and innovative ways to make our government’s live up to their legal obligations under national law and Human Rights treaties and to the commitments they made in policy agreements, such as CSW Agreed Conclusions.

The hosts of the workshop: Rights for Change, the Netherlands; WOREC, Women's Rehabilitation Centre, Nepal and Masimanyane, South Africa[ii], shared our experiences as co-developers of The Human Rights assessment instrument on Domestic Violence, DOVA (download your own copy from http://www.humanrightsimpact.org/themes/womens-human-rights/domestic-violence/project-overview/). We developed this step by step guide to make it easier for Civil society carry out action and rights based research on Domestic Violence[iii].

Lesley Anne Forster of Masimanyane shared that a team of South African NGO´s[iv] had used DOVA’s step by step questions, to help them prepare their recently submitted request for an Inquiry to the committee of the Convention of the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, CEDAW. In the request, they make the case that women in South Africa are experiencing grave and systematic violations of their Human Rights because of the extremely high levels of Domestic Violence. The research shows that although the South African state has put mechanisms in place to address Violence Against Women, including Domestic Violence, little has changed in practice.  Their evidence strongly indicates,  that the South African state actors fail to adhere to due diligence standards, so do not live up to their Human Rights obligations. By submitting the Inquiry request, the CEDAW committee is invited to come to South Africa to see what is happening and to guide and assist South Africa in finding approaches that do help to stop the violence and to make South Africa live up to the commitments they made.

Preparing a request for an Inquiry is not an easy task to undertake and only a few organizations worldwide have had the courage to undertake the work. It was great to hear that DOVA provided help in structuring the research and excellent news that South African Ngo’s had the courage to take on this momentous job. A copy of the inquiry request can be found at http://www.dgmt.co.za/files/2013/02/OP-CEDAW-INQUIRY-FINAL-DRAFT-Recovered.pdf
The next presenter was Renu Rajbhandari who is the founder of Worec Nepal and currently active in Alliance of Women Human rights defenders. She explained that as a medical doctor, she became concerned and involved in the suffering of women in Nepal. One of the serious medical problems women face in Nepal, is that they go back to work too soon after giving birth. One of the side effects can be a prolapsed uterus. This medical condition can be reversed but poor women cannot afford to pay for the treatment. Renu realized that solving the problem would require government intervention and that women had the Right to health, but she was not sure as a medical doctor who to use Human Rights standards. With the help of HeRWAI, the Health rights of women assessment instrument (a copy can be downloaded from 

http://www.humanrightsimpact.org/fileadmin/hria_resources/HeRWAI_Training/HeRWAI_engels_2010.pdf), Worec undertook as study, and by using the results of the research, successfully lobbied the Nepali government for a change in policy and to give Nepali women access to restorative surgery.

Renu has since become a fan of using fact-based and rights-based research as a basis of strong lobby and advocacy and Worec joined the DOVA development team. In 2013, a coalition of Nepali organizations will undertake an in depth research on the how and if the Nepali Domestic Violence law works in practice. Looking at the impact of the law through the eyes of e.g. people living with disabilities, homeless women or women working in the entertainment sector, they will find out about the specific challenges faced by women facing multiple discrimination and Domestic Violence. Uncovering these challenges will help Nepali civil society in asking for targeted improvements in legislation and practical implementation. The Nepali team is already hard at work to translate DOVA in Nepali.

The participants in the workshop were impressed with the work done by the presenting organizations In our discussion many speakers reminded us of the fact, that working to end violence against women is a long hard road. Many activist get tired of finding obstacles on the road to improvement. But we were also reminded that every women who survives violence and builds up a new life is a success story. And woman and man living in harmony and making their own choices in life, is the world we want to achieve.

Loeky Droesen is freelance consultant at Rights for Change, the writer of DOVA, board member of the Women Peacemakers Program and policy advisor at RutgersWPF


[i] Perhaps it would better to use the term intimate partner violence in this blog. The more conservative forces at the CSW do not like that term at all. They feel using the term would somehow recognize the existence of same sex couples, something they want to avoid at all cost.
[ii] With the support of Ausaid
[iii] The other co-developing organizations include Center for Legal Civic Initiatives, Albania; Mosaic, Training, Service and Healing Centre for Women, South Africa; WILDAF, Women in Law and Development, Ghana; ZWLA, Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association, Zimbabwe; Centro de la Mujer Peruana Flora Tristan, Peru; Independent consultant Anara Moldasheva, Kyrgyzstan and The Network/Research Center for Combating Domestic Violence (CDVN),  China
[iv] Which also included Mosaic

Thursday, March 14, 2013

Catholics, Protestants, citizens from Arab countries and feminists call for strong agreements

[This statement was re-released today and signed by an overwhelming number and diversity of organizations and people from all around the world. Deliberately not naming and shaming any specific countries nor regions, it is directed to those who attempt to re-open established international agreements. = Joni van de Sand = ]

We, the undersigned organisations and individuals across the globe, are again concerned that the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) is wavering in its commitment to advance women’s human rights as demonstrated in the constant negotiation of the language in the outcome document.

On the occasion of celebrating the International Women’s Day we call on the states to reaffirm its commitment to agreed upon standards in promoting women’s human rights as articulated in the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and the International Conference on Population and Development Programme of Action as well as other international humanitarian and human rights law.

We say NO to any re-opening of negotiations on the already established international agreements on women’s human rights and call on all governments to demonstrate their commitments to promote, protect and fulfill human rights and fundamental freedoms of women.

We commend those states that are upholding women’s rights in totality. We urge states to reaffirm standards that they have agreed to. Considering the lack of an outcome document last year we hope that this is not the pattern when it comes to advancing women’s human rights agenda. Women’s human rights are not to be negotiated away.

Similar to last year, we strongly hold the position that given the progressive development in the international era on standard setting there should no longer be any contention on any issues related to the definition and intersectionality of women and girls experiencing violence against women, including in relations to sexual and reproductive health and rights, sexual orientation and gender identity, harmful practices perpetuated in the context of negative culture and traditions, among others. We remind states that the CSW is the principal global policy-making body dedicated exclusively to gender equality and advancement of women with the sole aim of promoting women’s rights in political, economic, civil, social and educational fields. Its mandate is to ensure the full implementation of existing international agreements on women’s human rights and gender equality.

We strongly demand all governments and the international community to reject any attempt to invoke traditional values or morals to infringe upon human rights guaranteed by international law, nor to limit their scope. Customs, tradition or religious considerations must not be tolerated to justify discrimination and violence against women and girls whether committed by State authorities or by non-state actors. Given the current global activism around violence against women it is imperative that member states take the lead in agreeing on a progressive outcome document that reaffirms its commitments to universal human rights standards.

This is an important moment as we are planning the post 2015 process. The outcome document has to advance women’s human rights and not lower the bar for women’s human rights. Future international negotiations must move forward implementation of policies and programmes that secure the human rights of girls and women.

We call upon the member states of the UN and the various UN human rights and development entities to recognise and support the important role of women’s groups and organisations working at the forefront of challenging traditional values and practices that are intolerant to fundamental human rights norms, standards and principles.



Endorsed by:

Organizations

Acid Survivors Foundation
Actionaid Nigeria
Agricultural Missions, Inc.  (AMI)
Alliance F-Alliance de sociétés féminines suisses
Altsean-Burma
American Association of University Women (AAUW)
Amnesty International
Anglican Women's Empowerment (AWE)
Antalya Womens Counselling Center and Solidarity Association
Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law and Development (APWLD)
Asia Safe Abortion Partnership
Asian-Pacific Resource & Research Centre for Women (ARROW)
Association for Monitoring Gender Equality (CEID), Turkey
Association for Progressive Communications
Association for Women's Rights in Development (AWID) 
Association of Women for Action and Research (AWARE)
Association pour le développement et de la promotion des droits Humains (ADPDH)
Association pour le Progrés et la Défense des Droits des Femmes (APDF), Mali
Association Suisse pour les Droits de la Femme - ADF–SVF
ASTRA Network-Central and Eastern European Women’s Network for Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights
Aurat Foundation
Autonomous Women's Center, Serbia
Ayvalık Bağımsız Kadın inisiyatifi, Turkey
Bahamas Crisis Centre
Bahrain Young Ladies Association
BEDARI
Blue Veins 
CAFRA, Caribbean Association for Feminist Research and Action, St. Lucia
CAFRA, Caribbean Association for Feminist Research and Action, Trinidad and Tobago
Canadian Association of Elizabeth Fry Societies
Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE)
Caribbean Women's Association
Catholics for the Right to Decide Argentina
Catholics for the Right to Decide Bolivia
Catholics for the Right to Decide Brazil
Catholics for the Right to Decide Chile
Catholics for the Right to Decide Colombia
Catholics for the Right to Decide Ecuador
Catholics for the Right to Decide El Salvador
Catholics for the Right to Decide México
Catholics for the Right to Decide Nicaragua
Catholics for the Right to Decide Paraguay
Catholics for the Right to Decide Perú
CDO Pakistan
Center for Economic and Social Rights
Center for Egyptian Women's Legal Assistance (CEWLA)
Center for Partnership Studies
Center for Reproductive Rights
Center for Women’s Global Leadership (CWGL), Rutgers University
Center for Women Policy Studies
Centre for Research and Action on Peace (KEDE), Greece
Centre for Secular Space
Centre for Social and Gender Research "New Life", Ukraine
Centre for Social Research
CHOICE for Youth and Sexuality
Church Women United
City and County of San Francisco, Department on the Status of Women
Civil Resource Development and Documentation Centre (CIRDDOC), Nigeria
COC Netherlands
Comité d'action contre la traite humaine interne et international
Comité de América Latina y el Caribe para la Defensa de los Derechos de las Mujeres (CLADEM)
Commission for Filipino Migrant Workers, RESPECT Network
Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women Network, Sweden
Communications, Energy and Paperworkers Union of Canada
Community Development Organization (CDO Pakistan)
CONNECT
Connecting Gender for Development (COGEN), Nigeria
Consortium on Gender, Security and Human Rights
Dominica National Council of Women
East End Chapter of the National Organization for Women
Education International (EI)
Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement
Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights
EIMAN
European Women’s Network (ENOW), Greece
Equality Now
Esitlik Izleme (Esitiz), Turkey
European Women's Lobby
EVAWG alliance KP-FATA
EVAWG alliance (ICT)
Executive Committee for NGO Forum on CEDAW -Turkey
Federación Internacional de Mujeres de Carreras Jurídicas
Federation Against Violence Against Women (FAVAW)
Federation for Women and Family Planning, Poland
Fellowship of Reconciliation, Nyack, NY
Femin Ijtihad
Feminist Atelier (FEMA), Cyprus
Feminist Task Force (FTF)
Femmes Juristes Suisse – Women Lawyers Switzerland
FIAN International
Fiji Women's Rights Movement
Flying Broom Women's Communication and Research Association, Turkey
Foreign Spouses Support Group (Malaysia)
Foundation for Women (Thailand)
Foundatıon for Women's Solıdarıty (Kadın Dayanışma Vakfı), Turkey 
Fundacion para Estudio e Investigacion de la Mujer (FEIM), Argentina
Gambia Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children (GAMCOTRAP)
Gay Japan News
Global Allies for Human Rights, Disarmament and Development in Africa (GAHADA Partners)
Gender and Water Alliance
Gender at Work
Global Health Awareness Research Foundation (GHARF)
Global Fund for Women
Global Justice Center
Global Network of Women Peacebuilders
Greater Los Angeles Chapter of National Committee of UN Women
Group Development Pakistan
Help & Shelter, Guyana
Huairou Commission
The Hunger Project
Institut de recherche et d’études stratégiques de Khyber (IRESK)
Institute for Science and Human Values, Inc.
Institute for Women's Empowerment, Hong Kong
Institute for Women’s Leadership, Rutgers University
Institute of Bioethics, Human Rights and Gender (ANIS), Brazil
Interfaith Center of New York
Interfaith Consortium for Ecological Civilization
International Alliance of Women
International Baby Food Action Network (IBFAN)
International Center for Research on Women (ICRW)
International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
International Federation of Business and Professional Women
International Network of Liberal Women (INLW)
International Peace Bureau
International Public Policy Institute
International Trade Union Confederation
International Women’s Human Rights Clinic at Georgetown Law
International Women's Anthropology Conference
International Women's Rights Action Watch
International Women’s Rights Action Watch Asia Pacific (IWRAW Asia Pacific)
International Women's Rights Project, Canada
Ipas
Isis International
İstanbul Feminist Collective
Izmir Women Solidarity Association, Turkey
Jacob Blaustein Institute for the Advancement of Human Rights
Jamaica Household Workers Union
Kalyanamitra, Indonesia
KARAT Coalition
La Ligue du Droit International des Femmes (LDIF)
Latin American Network of Catholics for the Right to Decide
Lawyers for Justice and Peace (LJP)
MADRE
MARUAH, Singapore
Media Equity Collaborative
Medical Women's International Association (MWIA)
Millennia2025 Women and Innovation Foundation, PUF
Montgomery County NOW
MOVISIE
MUKADDER
Namibia Women's Health Network
National Association for Resource Improvement
National Coalition on Affirmative Action (NCAA)
National Council of the Churches of Christ in the USA
National Council of Women of Canada
National Council of Women’s Organizations
National Organization of Women, Barbados
Nepal International Consumers UNION
Netherlands Council of Women
Network of Expertise on Gender, Resilience and Interdependent Economics
NGO Canadian Federation of University Women (CFUW)
NGO-Coordination post Beijing Switzerland
Ni-Ta-Nee NOW
Niger Delta Women's Movement for Peace and Development (NDWPD)
Nodo Mexicano. El Proyecto del Milenio, A.C.
Northeast Williamsport NOW
Norwegian Association for Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (Sex og Politikk)
Osez Le Féminisme
Overseas Development Institute, Social Development Programme
Oxfam International
PACHAAN
Pacific Women’s Watch (New Zealand), Inc.
Partners for Law in Development, India
Peace X Peace
PEN International
Pennsylvania National Organization for Women
People's Movement For Human Rights Learning (PDHRE)
Perak Women for Women (Malaysia)
PODA
PILIPINA Legal Resources Center, Philippines
Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.)
Public Service Alliance of Canada
Purple Roof Women’s Shelter Foundation
Quality of Citizenship, Jamaica
Red de Educación Popular Entre Mujeres de Latinoamerica y el Caribe (REPEM LAC)
Red de Mujeres Afrolatinoamericanas, Afrocaribeña y la Diáspora
Red Feminista Frente a la Violencia Contra Las Mujeres (REDFEM), El Salvador
Red Nacional de Jóvenes y Adolescentes para la Salud Sexual y Reproductiva (RedNac), Argentina
Red Thread, Guyana
Regional Coalition Against Trafficking in Women and Girls in Latin America and the Caribbean (CATWLAC)
Regards de Femmes
Rights for All Women (RAW), Denmark
Roks, The National Organisation for Women's Shelters and Young Women's Shelters in Sweden
ROZAN
Rozaria Memorial Trust
RUMPUN, Indonesia
Rumpun Tjoet Nyak Dien, Indonesia
Rutgers WPF, Netherland
S4 Foundation, Guyana
Safe4Athletes, Los Angeles Ca.
SDPI
SEHER
SERR, USA
Shirakat - Partnership for Development
Shirkat Gah - Women's Resource Centre, Pakistan
Siglo XXIII, El Salvador
Sisters Inside
Sisters in Islam
Sistren Theatre Collective/Groots Jamaica
Socialist Feminist Collective
Society Against Sexual Orientation Discrimination (SASOD)
Society for Promotion of Education and Development (SPED)
Soroptimist International
SOS line for victims of violence “by your side,” Greece
SOS Sexisme, France
South Hills NOW
SRIA Rwanda Ltd 
SUARAM (Malaysia)
SVAMV – Association (faîtière) suisse des familles monoparentales
Swayam, Kolkata, India
Taller Salud, Puerto Rico
Temple of Understanding
Tenaganita (Malaysia)
Terre des Jeunes du Burundi
To Love Children Educational Foundation International, Inc. 
UNESCO
United Methodist Church, General Board of Church and Society
United Methodist Women, Global Justice, Community Action and Public Policy Offices
United Methodist Women, Washington Office of Public Policy
Urban Justice Center
Vienna Institute for International Dialogue and Cooperation (VIDC)
Virginia Gildersleeve Fund (VGIF)
Vision Spring Initiatives, Nigeria
WECF
White Ribbon Campaign
WIDE, Network for Women´s Rights and Feminist Perspectives in Development
Widows for Peace through Democracy (WPD)
Womankind Worldwide
WO=MEN Dutch Gender Platform
Women Against Rape Inc., Antigua/Barbuda
Women against Violence Europe (WAVE)
Women against Violence Network Serbia
Women Enabled, Inc.
Women & Gender Equality Commission of Guyana
Women Graduates USA
WomenNC
Women for Women's Human Rights (WWHR) - New Ways, Turkey
Women Graduates-USA
Women Living Under Muslim Laws
Women Organizing for Change in Agriculture and Natural Resource Management (WOCAN)
Women Peacemakers Program
Women Studies Center, Punjabi University Patiala, India
Women Transforming Cities International Society
Women Won't Wait Campaign
Women's Aid Organisation (WAO), Malaysia
Women's Association of Romania
Women's Centre for Change (WCC) Penang, Malaysia
Women’s Coalition, Turkey
Women's Coalition for Justice and Democracy
Women's Environment and Development Organization (WEDO)
Women's Federation for World Peace, Intl.
Women’s Front, Norway
Women's Global Network for Reproductive Rights (WGNRR)
Women's Intercultural Network (WIN)
Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF)
Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, Philadelphia/Delco Branch
Women’s Legal and Human Rights Bureau (Philippines)
Women's Refugee Commission
Women's Resource and Outreach Centre (WROC), Jamaica
Women's Sports Foundation
Women's World Summit Foundation (WWSF)
WORD
Workers Hub for Change (WH4C)
World Federation for Mental Health
World Federation of Methodist and Uniting Church Women
World YWCA
WUNRN, Women's UN Report Network
Zonta International Club Dhaka

Individuals
Joanne Abbensetts
Hassan Said Abdourahman
Waheed Ahmad
Niaz Ahmed
Gwendolyn Albert
Florence Allen
Molly Anderson
Jodi Anthony
Sally Armstrong
Dr. Mary-Wynne Ashford
Katy Beaver
Dr. Wolfgang Benedek
Guerda Benjamin
Cynthia B. Blake
Joddah Bokhari
Amber Bonnici
Paola Brambilla
Marti Britt
Rosalind Buck
Charlotte Bunch
Noreen Campbell
Elaine Chan-Scherer
Marllyn Chang
Hilda Rømer Christensen
Corina Ciechanow
Nadine Commergnat
Emmeline Craig
Aslı Davas
Theresa Derlan Yeh
Claire Desaint
Audrey Desnoes
Mary Diamond 
Denise Dias
Emily Doherty
Jocelyn Dow
Josephine Dublin-Prince
Crystal Easton
Cynthia Enloe
Dundeen Ferguson
Cynthia Fuchs Epstein
Uche Ewuzie
Lana Finikin
Dr. Helga Foster
Laurice de Gale
A. P. Gautam
Elizabeth Gibbons
Eunice Graham
Stephanie Grant
Shera Grant Clarke
Joan Grant Cummings
Barbara M. Hall
Leila Hessini
Maliha Husain
Leila Jagdeo
Eunadie Johnson
Deborah Kasman
Beata Koropatwa
Dr. Dashurije Koshi
Rebecca Landy
Kate Langlois
Michelle Lee
Dr. Nancy C. Lee
Bette Levy
Shirley Lewis
Georgia Love
Mary MacDonald
Houzan Mahmoud
Havi Mandell
Eleonora Barbieri Masini
Terri Matlock
Norah Matovu Winyi
Caron McCloud
Shiloh Sophia McCloud
Dr. Lyla Mehta
Vera Mehta
Tufail Mohammad
Martha Morgan
Marcia L Morehead
Hasna Moudud
Dr. Fulata L. Moyo
L. Uma Mulnick, DC
Qamar Naseem
Mr Amjad Nazeer
Joyce Neu
Hilary C. Nicholson
Claytine Nisbett
Hina Noureen
Carole A. Oglesby
Muradiye ORAL 
Meral Özaygen
Dr Rukhshinda Parveen
Joanne Payton
William Pervaiz
Elly Pradervand
Angela de Prairie, MNM MA
Lily Pulu
Danuta Radzik
Vanda Radzik
Md-Mamunur Rahman
Betty Reardon
Marilyn Rice-Brown
Dr. Kay Richmond
Sonia Robinson
Dr. Marilyn P. Safir
M. Angelica Sepulveda Salinas
Mary Schilder
Maggie Schmeitz
Mab Segrest
Tina Siebers
Kathleen Sloan
Fatou Sow
Ann Stacy
Jerilyn Stapleton
Irene Sullivan
Anne-Marie Swalens
Tenin Toure
Linnette Vassell
Annette Wagner
Michaela Walsh
Judith Wedderburn
Marie C. Wilson
Everjoice Win
Katherine Witteman
Alexandrina Wong 
Rev. Bond Wright